Freedom in Confinement

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The stairway of a prison fortress reflects the idea of transcending confinement

Our National Freedom Day, on Monday 27th April in South Africa, seems like an ironic occurrence. While we grapple with the confines of a lockdown, the thought of freedom seems quite elusive especially because there is so much uncertainty about the future that we will step out into when restrictions are lifted.

Prior to April 1994, when South Africans of all races could vote together for the first time, we lived under hostile conditions of restriction and confinement. It was no surprise to often encounter measures that enshrined priviledged access only, as expressed through loud signs that declared: “Non-Whites and Dogs Not Allowed”. So, when the much-anticipated day of free elections finally arrived, it was with a sense of magical realism that scenes of a unified nation unfolded. It felt quite strange to believe that we were part of a fantastical dream coming to life: people of all races and languages and creeds standing in the same line to vote, some even with their dogs right beside them.

26 years since that historic moment, we now find ourselves at another watershed experience. Today we reflect on our freedom in the context of a global pandemic that has restricted so much of our free movement and access, denying us the priviledges and securities we have come to take for granted.

Even the healthiest among us are succumbing to COVID-19, previously powerful economic structures are crumbling, the communal interactions that build our social morale have ceased, while uncertainty over our personal and societal wellbeing often leaves us fearful, anxious, and gasping for hope. What is then the quality of our freedom?

Perhaps we can look to our past for values that enlighten our struggle with adversity and confinement. Freedom Day this year is an opportunity to reflect more deeply on the transcendence of the human spirit, beyond physical confines. It is a lesson that we have all learnt through the examples of our struggle heroes who fought for our emancipation even though they faced incarceration.

While their confinement was imposed by the unkindness of human actions and their circumstances were unimaginably more severe than the lockdown measures of a pandemic, we can draw courage from their determined transcendence.

Many scholars and writers have commented on the way in which leaders such as Nelson Mandela, Ahmed Kathrada, Govan Mbeki and others strengthened their ideas of liberation while in prison on Robben Island. Crain Soudien, for instance, argues that prison gave them a concentrated opportunity to think through the contradictions of South Africa, to refine their strategy and beliefs about the kind of freedom they wanted to pursue: “the experience of imprisonment on Robben Island, its harshness and, principally, the taking of control of its intellectual temper by the prisoners themselves, all contributed to a rich range of alternative imaginings of South Africa.” Martha Evans goes to the extent of observing that Mandela’s imprisonment on the mysterious island turned him into a virtual mythological hero.

What we need to clarify, though, is that prison was not some form of necessary evil for freedom. Prison gave them nothing. They suffered abuse, torture, and abandonment, while being subjected to dehumanizing treatment that sought to break their spirits. The transformation that they brought about was of their own doing, an enactment of their own leadership.

The experience of abuse and torture was likewise experienced by struggle leaders who did not go to prison but endured house arrests and banning orders. Lilian Ngoyi and Helen Joseph were among the leaders of the 1956 defiance march to Pretoria, in protest against the pass laws that denied people freedom of movement in their own country.

Even within these confines and despite constant police interrogation, they rallied for international support of the anti-apartheid campaign, promoted the efforts of activists working underground, strengthened the defiance movement, and conscientized a nation towards emancipation.

Our South African liberation leaders could have chosen to plot revenge and we might argue that they could have given in to bitterness, anger, or the need for retribution, but they did not. They chose otherwise. As Ahmed Kathrada is quoted repeating in various interviews: “Bitterness only affects the person carrying it”, or as Nelson Mandela himself declares: “If I allowed myself to become bitter, I would have died in that prison.” They chose life, vitality, and transcendence. They studied, read, and wrote prolifically. They engaged in seminars, debates, and philosophical discourse. They exercised their bodies and minds, such that they lived beyond their material confines and they enabled their spirits to soar.

The notion of transcendence is perhaps most eloquently described by mystics such as St John of the Cross. Written in the 16th century, his highly acclaimed poem “Dark Night of the Soul”, traces the spiritual journey of overcoming affliction and adversity as we aspire towards a higher sense of consciousness that confers liberation from material and human confines. In order to do so we must endure the night of the senses: our anger, fear, loneliness, hurt, abandonment, so that we can transform natural understandings of and responses to these afflictions into higher wisdom. It is only if we understand the Dark Night of the Soul for what it is and for the destruction it threatens to bring, that we can conquer it, transcend, and awaken to a new birth.

Mandela, Ngoyi, Suzman, Kathrada, Mbeki, and countless other freedom fighters came to know darkness. They too were afraid as they had to encounter and battle their own personal demons but they also found new ways of breaking through this fragility. They displayed dignity and restraint, and countered physical violence with intellectual prowess, thereby transcending the unknown of victimhood and charting a path of emancipation not only for the oppressed but also for the oppressor.

The unknown and uncertainty that we currently struggle with can also be an opportunity towards re-birth. We could merely resist the adversity that threatens our vitality, or we could start to reconfigure ourselves and transcend the confinement that this pandemic has imposed upon us.

We can re-imagine the way in which we build physical immunity through revised eating plans and lean food consumption. We can use the experience of uncertainty to train our minds in finding greater clarity by being more present in the now, rather than trying to relive the past or overthink the future. We can allow the quarantine practice of living with essentials to temper our tendency towards excess accumulation of material possessions.

As the COVID-19 pandemic reveals more socio-economic gaps and rifts in our society, we can start to practice greater social empathy and engage in campaigns that challenge inequality. We can give greater support for small businesses and entrepreneurial enterprises, rather than just mainstream business, so that the informal sector can grow and contribute towards a more robust economy.

We can use this quiet time to learn a new language, take up a new hobby, start a new exercise routine, discover something new and refreshing about ourselves.

Like the heroic stalwarts of our political freedom, we too can exercise our agency towards new ways of thinking and living beyond the constraints of our physical confinement. We too can be great in the face of adversity.

Written by Merlin Ince


References:
Evans, M 2019. “News from Robben Island: Journalists’ Visits to Nelson Mandela during his Imprisonment.” Journal of Southern African Studies.
John of the Cross. “Dark Night of the Soul.” Riverhead Books.
Mandela, N 1995. “Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela.” Back Bay Books
Soudien, C 2015. “Nelson Mandela, Robben Island and the Imagination of a New South Africa.” Journal of Southern African Studies.

The Shadowed Face of Community Activism

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Community Activist Roegshanda Pascoe outside her home in Manenberg, Cape Town

I first met Roegshanda Pascoe at a Community Safety Forum meeting in Manenberg, Cape Town. It was on an evening in March 2016 when the local authority scheduled an electricity blackout as a load shedding initiative during a time of uncertainty about the country’s energy supply capacity. Roegshanda was lighting a row of candles as I entered the church hall, where residents were gathering to discuss their concerns over the housing crisis and inadequate policing during gang wars.

As a silhouetted figure, against the candlelight behind her, Roegshanda bravely held that volatile space together. Tempers flared and raged, and understandably so! Since the neighbourhood’s inception, as an apartheid ghetto almost five decades ago, little has been done to raise the standard of living for residents here.

When I visited Roegshanda at her home in Manenberg, she explained that housing bylaws have not changed since the dismantling of apartheid legislation. Old rules and systems of allocation still apply, even though they are irrelevant. It is not possible for residents to have private ownership of their units in the three-storey blocks, called Courts. The water meters are not constructed for individual units but for entire blocks. The sewage infrastructure is such that it is all connected to a central system so if there is a blockage about five roads away, then the entire area is affected.

The overcrowding in most homes fuels anger and frustration since there is a competition for space and privacy: “It is everybody stepping on each other’s toes and so there is no space in your house… If there is a Janaza (Islamic funeral), there is not even enough space to bring a body into the house properly for the funeral rituals. It has to be turned this way and that way. No dignity in that.” She believes that the solution is to demolish the Courts in phases and rebuild structures that are more conducive to a better quality of life. People will then get a chance to own their homes, gaining a sense of dignity and purpose.

It is a largely held view that Manenberg’s social demise is due to overcrowding. A resident at the community meeting raised this concern, to strong approval from the gathering, that the neighbourhood was established almost fifty years ago to accommodate 35 000 people but this number has steadily grown to more than 100 000 residents. Roegshanda believes that census figures, which record Manenberg’s population at 58,875, are deliberately tampered with to sidestep the crisis of overpopulation and the responsibility that the local authority would have in order to remedy the situation: “if the full amount of people living in Manenberg would come out, don’t you think everybody would scream My God this place needs a facelift…I took the city officials around to see what is happening in Thames Avenue and they said to me My God can people live like this? Are these humans staying here? And I said Ha! Are you asking me that? Then you must tell your bosses that humans have to live like animals here.

Currently, units are rented on a two-year basis and then renewed afterwards. If heads of households die, there is no assurance that the children will be able to continue living there. Evictions are often carried out in the area and people are stranded with no other place to go. Roegshanda works tirelessly to get lawyers who can defend residents in court. The authorities responsible for evictions are dubbed ‘the red ants’. They arrive on the allocated day, remove all possessions from the house and then lock the premises while families possessions are left on the pavement with their possessions.

Community activism, that attempts to highlight the plight of marginalised and maligned ghettos of Cape Town, is both ignored and misunderstood. Radio stations only highlight protest activity in traffic reports, as though they are another inconvenience to be avoided en route elsewhere. News agendas seldom ever probe the reasons behind protests or take the time to investigate the causes that are being bravely fought for.

Post-apartheid South Africa has been characterised by an increase in community protests, especially since 2004. Wasserman et al (2018) poignantly remind us that this is not merely about service delivery failures but should be seen as “an expression of a wider and more long-standing disenchantment in marginalised communities.” The very act of defiance through protest speaks volumes about the inability and failure of mechanisms such as the media to give voice to a large majority of our country’s poor: “Although service delivery has become the rallying point for protests, it should also be seen as a manifestation of a deeper disillusionment with post-apartheid democracy.”

Community activists are often the only figures of hope in poverty-stricken neighbourhoods. They are largely the most trusted and relied upon individuals since there is a deep-seated mistrust among residents for police and local authority officials. They are close to the heart of people’s struggles and understand the daily complexities that are all too casually brushed over by local government structures who would rather dictate what should be done instead of listening to the real issues at stake.

In the neighbourhood of Hanover Park, another relic of apartheid segregation, a recreational park known as Phillans Park was identified as a priority project by the local authority for an upgrade. Without consulting with residents, workers started construction but within a few days they had to abandon the project due to gang violence. The park has always been a ‘red zone’ since it is an area between two rival gangs. Gangsters therefore shoot randomly across this field, where a government saw it fit to encourage children to play in an upgraded and lavish recreation facility. How utterly useless!

The  presence of gangs, and the high-risk activity they engage in, are not only a threat to the safety of innocent lives in the neighbourhood. Anyone who challenges them does so at great risk to their personal safety. The structure of gangs is such that they do not want to be interfered with by external initiatives of social development that might usurp the power that they wield in communities like Manenberg. They hold these neighbourhoods captive and terrorise residents through wild shooting sprees in their battle for turf with rival gangs. Activists who speak out against them are targeted and threatened. Roegshanda has, on numerous occasions, put up social media posts about being threatened with her own life. Still, she remains resilient.

Despite the heroic efforts of community activists, they face a daily uphill battle to organise communities into action. With meagre support networks and resources, they draw on whatever means they have available to them in order to raise the voices of people who have known little freedom and transformation, more than two decades after the end of apartheid. The efforts of community activists like Roegshanda Pascoe are a heroic struggle for justice and equality, shadowed by the financial greed of neoliberal leaders who have turned their backs on the poor.

Written by Merlin Ince
Reference: Wasserman H, Bosch T and Chuma W (2018) ‘Communication from above and below: Media, Protest and Democracy’. Politikon South African Journal of Political Studies
Photograph Credit: Lu Nteya